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By Stephen Lovell

Taking the achievements, ambiguities, and legacies of global battle II as some extent of departure, The Shadow of warfare: The Soviet Union and Russia, 1941 to the current deals a clean new method of glossy Soviet and Russian background. provides one of many simply histories of the Soviet Union and Russia that starts with international conflict II and is going past the Soviet cave in via to the early twenty-first centuryInnovative thematic association and process makes it possible for insights which are neglected in chronological historiesDraws on quite a lot of assets and the very most up-to-date examine on post-Soviet historical past, a quickly constructing fieldSupported through extra interpreting, bibliography, maps and illustrations.

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The Shadow of War: Russia and the USSR, 1941 to the present (Blackwell History of Russia)

Taking the achievements, ambiguities, and legacies of worldwide battle II as some extent of departure, The Shadow of conflict: The Soviet Union and Russia, 1941 to the current deals a clean new method of smooth Soviet and Russian heritage. provides one of many in simple terms histories of the Soviet Union and Russia that starts off with international battle II and is going past the Soviet cave in via to the early twenty-first centuryInnovative thematic association and process enables insights which are overlooked in chronological historiesDraws on a variety of assets and the very most up-to-date study on post-Soviet heritage, a swiftly constructing fieldSupported by means of extra examining, bibliography, maps and illustrations.

Extra resources for The Shadow of War: Russia and the USSR, 1941 to the present (Blackwell History of Russia)

Example text

When Stalinist rule came to an end, the Soviet Union entered a period of internal decolonization. This did not mean, of course, any granting of sovereignty to the non-Russian nationalities. Rather, it implied that tens of millions of Soviet people – Russian and non-Russian – would be raised from the status of colonial subject to that of modern citizen. Naturally, Stalinist discourse – exemplified by the Constitution of 1936 – pronounced that Soviet power had already brought the gift of nondiscriminatory citizenship to its population, but such claims were so at variance with the reality of state–society relations in the Stalin era that they barely deserve comment.

Instead of slaughtering or starving hundreds of thousands of its own people, it could wage righteous war on outsiders. The Party was now mobilizing people not for social combat (“class war”) but for military combat. The barracks socialism and war economy of the 1930s now had a real war to fight. From now on, if Soviet people were to be shot, they would be killed as traitors and deserters rather than Trotskyites or agents of capital. Some historians and memoirists have gone so far as to write of the war as a time of liberation for Soviet people from the all-pervading fear of “ordinary” Stalinism.

The 1930s had brought the effective fusion of party and state and the monopolization of both ruling institutions by Stalin and his inner circle. In a symbolic culmination of this process, Stalin became head of the Soviet government in May 1941, replacing Molotov. 2 The German invasion only increased the existing Soviet tendency to centralization and dictatorial rule. The regime was able to adapt rapidly by concentrating power in a new executive institution. On 30 June, the Politburo was superseded by the State Defense Committee (GKO), the supreme political body for the wartime emergency, which continued the domination of the ruling circle that had been established after the Terror.

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