By Antonio Tabucchi
Within the sweltering summer season of 1938 in Portugal, a rustic lower than the fascist shadow of Spain, a mysterious younger guy arrives on the doorstep of Dr Pereira. So starts an not likely alliance that may lead to a devastating act of uprising. this can be Pereira's testimony.
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Within the sweltering summer season of 1938 in Portugal, a rustic less than the fascist shadow of Spain, a mysterious younger guy arrives on the doorstep of Dr Pereira. So starts off an not going alliance that would bring about a devastating act of uprising. this can be Pereira's testimony.
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Thought of the main unique philosopher within the Italian philosophical culture, Giambattista Vico has been the article of a lot scholarly awareness yet little consensus. during this new interpretation, David L. Marshall examines everything of Vico's oeuvre and situates him within the political context of early glossy Naples.
This can be the 1st full-scale research of interactions among Italy's non secular reform and English reformations, which have been notoriously at risk of decide up different people's rules and run. The e-book is of basic significance for these whose paintings comprises revisionist issues of ambiguity, opportunism and interdependence in 16th century spiritual swap.
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However, where Jones is interested in an immediate aristocratic audience in the city of Rome, Leyser turns his attention also to the implications of the transmission of the text, or one particular version of it, from an urban ecclesial to a rural monastic context. He investigates the passion of John and Paul, patrons of a fifth-century church in Rome, as it appears in a codex from the monastery of Corbie in northern Francia. In this manuscript, copied c. A D 600 in southern Italian monastic circles, the passio appears alongside monastic rules and works of ascetic instruction.
However much the expressions in the attic inscriptions sought to achieve a studied religious neutrality in ascribing the emperor’s victory to ‘the inspiration of (the) divinity’ (instinctu divinitatis), there was no such ambiguity about the political message contained in the rest of these texts. Maxentius and his associates were not named, but were reduced to the formula ‘the tyrant and all his faction’ (tam de tyranno quam de omni eius factione). 45 As depicted on the arch, the adventus of 312 was all about establishing Maxentius as an illegitimate usurper, and Constantine as the legitimate Augustus.
For a sensitive analysis of the significance of such building projects in the Forum Romanum, see Machado forthcoming. Amm. Marc. 1; for analysis, see Matthews 1989: 209–17; and now esp. Lenski 2002: 220–3 and 232–3, arguing cogently against seeing the trials as an anti-senatorial purge. Pons Aurelius: ILS 769, with Amm. Marc. 3. 1175–6, 31402–12; see further Bertinetti 2000; Lizzi Testa 2004: 447–54. , Orr. 1–3; cf. Humphries 2003: 34–6. 68 The extent to which space could be used to express loyalty to the emperor is shown most effectively by a series of monuments that can be linked to episodes of imperial adventus.