By Janine M. Ubink, Kojo S. Amanor
African coverage on wide-spread land kinfolk has develop into more and more complicated within the wake of the turning out to be worth of residential and agricultural land; in Ghana, land has been the topic of becoming commodification which has resulted in elevated makes an attempt via tribal chiefs, earth clergymen, land clients, and governmental actors to redefine “custom,” land possession, and tenure. This choice of essays seriously examines the relationships among familiar and statutory tenure, in addition to the institutional interactions among the kingdom and standard professionals, addressing problems with strength, responsibility, and fairness in a couple of case reviews, in addition to money owed of previous and modern coverage.
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Extra info for Contesting Land and Custom in Ghana: State, Chief and the Citizen (AUP - Law, Governance, and Development R)
Such contributions were by no means automatic, however. For studies of conjugal labour and household economies in cocoa growing areas, see, inter alia, Allman and Tashjian 2000; Clark 1999; Mikell 1985; Okali 1983. ‘(…) une vielle plantation est comme une vielle femme qui meurt. Les medicaments couteraient trop pour la maintenir en vie. Il vaut mieux garder les medicaments pour la jeune femme’ (Ruf 1991:107). For more on transnational migration in the region, and the 1983 refugee crisis in Ghana, see text following footnote below.
Thus, while I agree with Boni that ‘ancestralisation’ has entailed a ‘hardening of boundaries of belonging’ (Boni 2006:183) akin to those of ‘ethnicity’ and ‘tribe,’ and that these boundaries gained much of their contemporary resonance under the aegis of colonial rule, I think it is also useful to distinguish between local ‘citizenship’ as it is under- ANCESTRAL PROPERTY 45 stood and practiced in post-colonial Ghana, and constructions of ‘ethnicity’ in other contexts. Coˆte d’Ivoire is a case in point.
Rather than invite organised opposition by formally abolishing customary rights, President Houphouet-Boigny simply announced, in 1963, that ‘land belongs to the one who develops it’ (‘la terre appartient a celui qui la met en valeur’). At the time, his pronouncement contravened Ivorian law, under which the ‘national domain’ was vested in the state, and private contractual arrangements with respect to any part of it were prohibited (Chauveau 2000:10). Thanks to Houphouet’s prestige, and the power of his ‘patronage machine’, however, the President’s word carried as much force as the law.