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Gramsci comes to mind here with his observation that "liberalism too is a form of state 'regulation', introduced a n d maintained through coercion and legislation: it is a fact of conscious will, a will conscious of its own ends, rather than the automatic, spontaneous expression of an economic fact" (Gramsci 1994: 152). Here, then, can be found capital's theoretical and political understanding of "constraints". From this point of view, here and now, the alternatives are either liberalism (that is, a strategy to increase the social rate of exploitation) or the reduction of the social rate of profit.
21 Buenos Aires. Raiter, A. and Munoz, I . ' Perisferias. v01 1, no 1. Buenos Aires. Raiter, A. (19961, 'Posibilidades y limites del discurso polotico. El caso EZLN', Dialektica, v01 5, no 8, Buenos Aires . Searle, J . (1969), Speech Acts: a n Essay i n the Philosophy of Language, Cambridge and New Y o r k , Cambridge University Press. Veron, E . (1987), 'La palabra adversativa' i n El discurso polotico. Lenguajes y acontecimientos, Buenos Aires, Hachette. Voloshinov, V . (1973) (1926), Marxism and the Philosophy of Language, New Y o r k , Seminar Press.
But it is true that the initial invitation, in its first signification, fell flat. Why? Why was it that the workers belonging to the 'j'uridically" defined private sector of the economy did not join the struggle? The explanations given for the fact that workers in the private sector did not come out on strike are grounded in realism: they range from justifications related to the structure of the waged workforce (a waged workforce which i s individualised and therefore subject to immediate repression by its bosses in the event of strike action) to justifications arising from the crisis of trade unionism in the private sectors of industry and services.